The authorities of the Republic of Moldova have a difficult task, on the one hand the economy doesn’t generate enough jobs and high enough salaries, on the other, the international community is willing and able to help us. What should we do? How can the money of other governments be accepted, if the President of the Republic of Moldova reminds us everyday about the role of ‘statehood’ and about the fact that “we dance to the music played by someone else?”

On Tuesday, Voronin had his first meeting with editors of Moldova’s mass-media institutions. It was the first time when the press list was enlarged and even journalists without accreditation had been welcomed into the Presidential Palace. The subject of the meeting was not announced beforehand, but it became obvious from the first sentences of the president’s speech what he wished to talk about.

“The circulation of newspapers which are criticising the government exceeds the number which are loyal to the government,” the president said in his opening remarks, making his thoughts on Moldova’s mass media clear: “we have two types of press – one is loyal to the government, and the other one – which criticises the government, even the opposition.”

The president reiterated many times his opinion on this divide, even clearly stating which sections of the media are good, and which are bad, i.e. who is ‘positive’ and who should change for the better. Of course, “the press which criticises the government” was the main subject of Voronin’s speech, as he felt it “puts pressure on the journalists who have chosen to work for the government” because it subordinates the concept of statehood. Thus, they are not normal patriots’, and also because he mentioned they receive grants from abroad. The president of the Teleradio Moldova Company added some more things to the list of sins, including ‘information terror’, created by those who ask for public interest information.

In comparison with the president of Teleradio Moldova, Voronin was more amiable to journalists’ rights regarding their access to public interest information. When asked by us to help us get some replies to letters sent to various ministries weeks and months ago, and to the Ministry of Culture – a year ago, Voronin replied promptly that those from these ministries “cannot write” and promised at the end of the event that all the requests were recorded and will be taken into consideration. The president proved to understand the delimitation of responsibilities of the press and government. Thus, when asked by the representatives of the ‘loyal press’ to contribute to the creation of a union or an alternative trade union to the Journalists’ Union, Voronin said clearly that “it is not the president’s business.” He also gave a negative answer to the request of ‘the loyal ones’ to make the police take care of those who “don’t respect the concept of statehood.”

However, ‘loyalty for the state concept’ seems to be the most important cause of the appearance of those two kinds of journalists in the Republic of Moldova. According to the majority of the press ‘loyality’ to the government, criticising the state means subordinating it, and subordinating the statehood concept means being worthy of penal punishments. The president of Teleradio raised an example: recently Euronews broadcast a report with a victim of crime from the Republic of Moldova. I was shocked, Mr. President, after such a report we have had to clear our image for the last three years,” Todercan declared.

If the president of a public company understands that the problems of ordinary people (even victims in such a case), presented on TV (the case regarding a Moldovan visiting Euronews was mentioned) is an act of defamation of a country’s image, it is clear what kind of people he thinks should be shown on TV – only public authorities who are saying positive things. He was also unhappy as the Moldovan on Euronews reached the station “due to money donated by NGOs.”

I left the presidency with the impression that requesting grants from foreign donors is something liable to punishment, I tried to make sure that this is not true. I contacted the Ministry of the Finance to find out exactly how many grants were given to Moldova during the last year, which countries they arrived from and what for. The helpline of the ministry (22-25-00) didn’t answer for hours. Carolina Sturza from the press office suggested we talk to Natalia Agapii, the head of the Foreign Financing Department. Agapii told us that she had such data, but she wouldn’t say anything “over the phone,” and that I should write an official letter. Yesterday, I asked her to tell me, on the phone, just one single figure, but it was not possible. I came back to Sturza; she went back to Agapii.

The reply seems to have been in conflict with the legislation and with the things discussed at the presidency, as well as with Valeriu Balaban, the councillor of the president. Sturza told me I could obtain the figures which Agapii knows, if I wrote a request “on behalf of the Minister of Finance, Mariana Durlesteanu, in which I should explain FOR WHAT I am requiring this information.” Now, if we write another letter, we will be accused of ‘information terrorism’. And if we find out the figures of foreign donations and we make it public – will we damage the image of our country? And who will clear it of its shame afterwards? And, if it is proved that foreign funds provide computers for policemen, repairs in the judges’ offices, training for government representatives – what will happen to our ‘statehood’?

I haven’t written a letter to the Ministry of Finance yet…

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